ALERT: Prisoners being transfered in GOHARDASHT

HRA

Prisoners have been transferred from various wards of Gohardahst to section 3 , which has been described to have the same conditions as the 305 section.

It is said that the move is to prevent any contact or information to these prisoners of what is happening in the rest of the prison.


Manour Radpoour, Ahmad Zied Abadi , Rasoul Badaghi and Arjang Davcoudi have been amongst those who were moved from ward 4 to 3.
Rasool Badaghi, former teacher, was taken to Pedis karaj prison.

Transferred political prisoners to ward 3 are being kept in Hosseinien (Mosque area) which lacks any facilities and the least of health requirements for inmates.
There are no beds or sheets although it already has 120 prisoners with criminal charges in it.

آغاز انتقال زندانیان سیاسی از بندهای مختلف زندان گوهردشت به بند3 این زندان

بنابه گزارشات رسیده به "فعالین حقوق بشر و دمکراسی در ایران"، برای کنترل و تحت فشار قرار دادن زندانیان سیاسی در زندان گوهردشت کرج قرار است که زندانیان سیاسی به بند 3 زندان گوهردشت کرج منتقل شوند.

از روز یکشنبه 9 خرداد ماه تعدادی از زندانیان سیاسی زندان گوهردشت کرج از بندهای مختلف به بند 3 زندان گوهردشت که معروف به بند کارگری است منتقل شدند.گفته می شود شرایطی مانند بند 350 زندان اوین برای زندانیان سیاسی زندان گوهردشت که به بند 3 منتقل خواهند شد بوجود خواهند آورد.

گزارشات حاکی از آن است که هدف از انتقال زندانیان سیاسی به بند 3 (بند کارگری) زندان گوهردشت کرج برای تحت فشار و کنترل شدید قرار دادن آنها است و همچنین مطلع نشدن زندانیان سیاسی از جنایتهایی که بر علیه زندانیان عادی و اسیر که در بندهای دیگر روی می دهد می باشد.

روز گذشته زندانیان سیاسی منصور رادپور،احمد زیدآبادی و رسول بداقی و امروز ارژنگ داودی از بند 4 به بند 3 زندان گوهردشت کرج منتقل شدند.

معلم زندانی رسول بداقی صبح امروز از بند 3 خارج و گفته می شود به زندان پردیس کرج منتقل شد.

زندانیان سیاسی که به بند 3 منتقل می شوند در حسینیه این بند نگهداری می شوند این حسینیه در حال حاضر فاقد امکانات اولیه است. در آن تخت خواب و حتی پوشش مانند پتو وجود ندارد همچنین در حدود 120 زندانی عادی در این بند نگاهداری می شود.

هنوز از هدف و قصد اصلی جابجایها زندانیان سیاسی نامشخص است و در این باره تاکنون هیچ توضیحی به زندانیان سیاسی داده نشده است و به صورت ناگهانی به آنها گفته م شود که باید به بند 3 منتقل شوند


فعالین حقوق بشر و دمکراسی در ایران

10 خرداد 1389 برابر با 31 می 2010

Hengame Shahidi attacked in prison

RAHANA

Hengameh Shahidi was attacked by an addict and a scum who had been in prison who was being suspect to other issues. This happened as the addict had approached the prison pharmacy top collect medicine. She was sexually molested by the person as she was waiting for her prescription and as she protested, she was thrown passed into a group of addicts and molested and beaten. The prison security did not intervene all through the attack.

Hengameh had for several times protested to the tactic used by prison authorities to mix political prisoners with criminals, in vain.

حمله یک معتاد به هنگامه شهیدی در بند زنان

صبح امروزهنگامه شهیدی روزنامه نگار و مشاور دبیر کل و عضو حزب اعتماد ملی مورد تعرض و حمله یک فرد معتاد و بزه کار در بند نسوان قرار گرفت.

رهانا: این فرد دارای ظاهری نامرتب و آلودگی و دارای علائم چاقو روی دست خود بوده است و هنگامی که هنگامه شهیدی قصد داشت داروی خود را از پرستار بهداری دریافت کند به طور مرتب خود را در تماس بدنی با وی قرار داده و وقتی مورد اعتراض هنگامه قرار گرفته است او را به میان جمعی از متادونی ها پرتاب کرده و به شدت وی را مورد ضرب و شتم قرار داده است و هیچ یک از افراد حضور داشته در انجا اقدامی جهت جدا کردن وی برای جلوگیری از ضرب و شتم هنگامه انجام ندادند.

به گزارش کلمه، هنگامه شهیدی چندین بار مراتب اعتراض خود را به حضور زندانیان زن سیاسی در میان بزه کاران به معاون دادستان اعلام کرده است.

Bahareh Hedayat and other Imprisoned Students

Judge Moghiseh: If Bahareh Hedayat is not to be in prison, then who should be instead?

May 27, 2010

Judge Moghiseh believes that Bahareh Hedayat deserves to be in prison more than anyone else. The following is the foundation of his argument.

Amin Ahmadian, Bahareh Hedayat’s husband, said in an interview with Rooz regarding his wife’s status, “Overall, she is well. She is detained in a public cell with 24 other prisoners and is able to call home. She is with Hengameh Shahidi, Badrolsadat Mofidi, Mahdieh Golroo, Atefeh Nabavi, Mahboubeh Karami, Alieh Eghdamdoost, Masoomeh Yavari, Zahra Jabari, Shabnam Madadzadeh, and others.”

Ahmadian noted that Hedayat was denied the possibility of parole because she is considered a threat to national security. Hedayat’s family was told that one of the people in charge of her file argued against her release.

Judge Moghiseh said to Hedayat’s family, “Why would we release Bahareh? If we were to do that, then who would we keep detained in prison?”

Ahmadian is hoping that after enduring five months in prison, his wife will be permitted for release.


17 Kerman University Students Arrested

In conjunction with Ahmadinejad’s visit to Kerman, 17 students from Kerman University were arrested.

The reason for the arrests was because the students were allegedly planning a protest against Ahmadinejad’s visit to the university. There is still no news regarding the location of the 17 students.

Another eight student activists who came to Bahonar University in Kerman were also arrested by security forces.

In addition, 34 student activists from Bahonar University in Kerman were contacted by telephone or summoned to the intelligence ministry in Kerman. They were threatened to not get in the way of Ahmadinejad. They were told that they were not allowed to be in the university when Ahmadinejad was there, and if they complained or caused any problems, there would be serious consequences against them.


Polytechnic University: Ali Salem sentenced to two years prison

According to the Socialist Students website, Ali Salem, a leftist student activist at Polytechnic University, was sentenced to two years in prison. Salem was a senior undergraduate student. He was arrested on Student Day December 7, 2009.

Arash Bahmani

Rooz

Translation: Laleh Irani Persian2English.com

قاضی مقیسه: بهاره هدایت در زندان نباشد، چه کسی باشد

پنجشنبه, ۰۶ خرداد ۱۳۸۹
قاضی مقیسه معتقدست بهاره هدایت اگر در زندان نباشد، چه کسی باید باشد؟ براساس همین استدلال به این عضو شورای مرکزی و سخنگوی دفتر تحکیم وحدت مرخصی هم داده نمی شود.از سوی دیگر همزمان با ورود احمدی نژاد به کرمان، 17 تن از دانشجویان دانشگاه کرمان دستگیرشدند، و جمعی از دانشجویان دانشگاه امیرکبیر هم اعلام کردندمسئولیت هرگونه آسیب جسمی به مجید توکلی مستقیما متوجه شخص اول حکومت آیت الله خامنه ای است.
امین احمدیان، همسر بهاره هدایت در مصاحبه با “روز” در تشریح آخرین وضعیت همسرش گفت: “حال عمومی بهاره و روحیه او مناسب است. بهاره فعلا همراه 24 نفر دیگر در بند عمومی و در یک اتاق به سر می برد و محدودیتی از نظر تماس تلفنی با منزل ندارد.”
وی با اعلام اینکه تقاضای تجدیدنظر در حکم صادره بهاره هدایت، هفته آینده به دادگاه فرستاده خواهد شد، گفت: “بهاره در، حال حاضر، با هنگامه شهیدی، بدرالسادات مفیدی، مهدیه گلرو، عاطفه نبوی، محبوبه کرمی، عالیه اقدام دوست، معصومه یاوری، زهرا جباری، شبنم مددزاده و… به سر می برد.”
به گفته امین احمدیان، “به تازگی با درخواست مرخصی بهاره هدایت مخالفت شده است”. آن گونه که به خانواده هدایت اعلام کرده اند، دلیل این امر، مخالفت مقامات امنیتی بوده است. احمدیان می گوید: “به ما اعلام کرده اند که یکی از مسئولان پرونده بهاره با مرخصی وی مخالفت کرده است. وقتی دلیل این امر را پرسیدیم، از قول مسئوول پرونده گفتند برای اینکه او هنوز «سر موضع». مسئول پرونده گفته تا وقتی او سر موضع باشد و تادیب نشده باشد، به او مرخصی نخواهند داد. از طرف دیگر، قاضی مقیسه نیز به ما گفت: چطور بهاره را آزاد کنیم؟ اگر بهاره در زندان نباشد پس چه کسی باشد؟”
احمدیان ضمن اشاره به احضار جدید بهاره هدایت به دادگاه، ابراز امیدواری کرد همسرش پس از تحمل 5 ماه زندان، اجازه مرخصی را دریافت کند.
دانشجویان پلی تکنیک: مسئولیت با خامنه ای است
عده ای از دانشجویان دانشگاه پلی تکنیک، با صدور بیانیه ای با اشاره به اعتصاب غذای خشک مجید توکلی و ناراحتی جسمی وی در زندان، مسئولیت هرگونه اتفاق احتمالی برای مجیدتوکلی را متوجه آیت الله خامنه ای، رهبر جمهوری اسلامی دانستند.
این دانشجویان در بیانیه خود آورده اند: “ما جمعی از دانشجویان دانشگاه امیرکبیر صراحتا اعلام می کنیم که مسئولیت هرگونه آسیب جسمی به مجید توکلی مستقیما متوجه شخص اول حکومت آیت الله خامنه ای است. رهبر جمهوری اسلامی ایران قانونا و عرفا می بایست در برابر اقدامات قوه قضاییه و وزارت اطلاعات پاسخگو باشد. بنابراین اگر دستگاه قضا افسار پاره کرده، مسوولیتش متوجه بی تدبیری رهبری است و اگر وزارت اطلاعات جنایتی مرتکب گردد، رهبری در این جنایت شریک جرم است.”
این دانشجویان در بیانیه خود یادآوری کرده اند که: “هم اینک با تمام وجودمان فریاد خشم بر می آوریم که وای به حال تان اگر برای عزیزمان اتفاقی بیافتد. وای به روزتان اگر جرات دست اندازی به جان شریف شرافت جنبش دانشجویی را به سر راه دهید. پس بدانید و آگاه باشید اگر اتفاقی برای مجید توکلی بیافتد دانشجویان دانشگاه صنعتی امیرکبیر ساکت نخواهند نشست و این بار دیوار دانشگاه را بر سر شما و رییس سرسپرده دانشگاه خراب خواهند کرد.”
همچنین عده دیگری از دانشجویان دانشگاه پلی تکنیک اعلام کرده اند در صورت عدم رسیدگی به وضعیت مجید توکلی و همچنین مخالفت با مرخصی این دانشجوی دربند، با تجمع و تحصن، امتحانات پایان ترم این دانشگاه را لغو خواهند کرد.
گفتنی است مجید توکلی از روزدوم خرداد و در اعتراض به انتقال به سلول انفرادی دست به اعتصاب غذای خشک زده است. برادر توکلی پیش از این به “روز” گفته بود براساس شنیده های وی، توکلی حداقل 20 روز را در انفرادی خواهد بود.
بازداشت دانشجویان هم زمان با ورود احمدی نژاد
آن گونه که برخی منابع محلی به “روز” گفته اند، 17 تن از فعالان دانشجویی شهر کرمان، همزمان با ورود محموداحمدی نژاد به این شهر بازداشت شده اند. این منابع علت بازداشت این دانشجویان را “هماهنگی برای تجمع اعتراض آمیز در اعتراض به حضور احمدی نژاد در دانشگاه باهنر کرمان” اعلام کرده اند. هنوز از محل بازداشت این افراد اطلاعی در دست نیست.
از سوی دیگر حدود 8 تن از فعالان دانشجویی که خود را به دانشگاه باهنر کرمان رسانده بودند نیز توسط نیروهای امنیتی بازداشت شده اند.
علاوه بر دانشجویان بازداشتی، 34 تن از فعلان دانشجویی دانشگاه باهنر کرمان نیز از طریق تماس های تلفنی یااحضار به دفتر اداره اطلاعات استان کرمان، تهدید شدها ند که در صورت حضور در مسیر استقبال از محمود احمدی نژاد، حضور در دانشگاه هم زمان با محمود احمدی نژاد و یا برگزاری هرگونه مراسم اعتراضی، به سرعت بازداشت و “برخوردهای جدی” با آنان خواهد شد.
دانشگاه علم و صنعت: انتقال مجدد علی پرویز به سلول انفرادی
علی پرویز، دانشجوی دانشگاه علم و صنعت که از ۱۳ آبان ماه سال گذشته در زندان اوین به سر می برد، به سلول انفرادی منتقل شد.
آن گونه که سایت “کلمه” گزارش داده است، هفته گذشته علی پرویزبه همراه تعداد دیگری از زندانیان سیاسی بند ۳۵۰ اوین ساعت یک بامداد برای بازجویی به بند ۲۰۹ منتقل شد. این در حالی است که ماموران امنیتی وی و دیگر فعالان سیاسی را مجبور به استفاده از چشم بند کرده بودند.
پرویز با یادآوری اینکه بازجوهای وزارت اطلاعات در زمان بازداشت و تفهیم اتهام اولیه، او و تعدادی دیگر از فعالان دانشجویی را که با چشم بند برگه تفهیم اتهام را نمی دیدند، مجبور به امضای موارد اتهامی کرده بودند که بعد مشخص شد هیچ ارتباطی به او و دیگر فعالان دانشجویی نداشته، نسبت به این موضوع اعتراض کرد. علی پرویز، وقتی با برخورد تند ماموران اطلاعات برای اجبار وی به استفاده از چشم بند مواجه شد، چشم بندش را پاره کرد و از دیگر فعالان دانشجویی خواست که اجازه ندهند بار دیگر با چشم بند بازجویی شوند.
پس از این عمل علی پرویز، ماموران امنیتی وی را برای تنبیه به سلول انفرادی منتقل کرده اند.
گفتنی است علی پرویز، یکی از ۱۲ دانشجوی بازداشتی دانشگاه صنعتی خواجه نصیر است که در دادگاه اولیه به سه سال حبس تعزیری و در دادگاه تجدید نظر به یک سال حبس تعزیری و همچنین جریمه نقدی محکوم شد. اتهامات وی اقدام علیه امنیت ملی، شرکت در تجمعات و توهین به مقام ریاست جمهوری اعلام شده است.
دانشگاه پلی تکنیک: دو سال حبس
آن گونه که سايت “دانشجويان سوسياليست” اعلام کرده است، علی سالم از فعالان دانشجویی طیف چپ این دانشگاه، به دو سال حبس تعزیری محکوم شده است.

این دانشجوی دوره کارشناسی ارشد، پیش از این در سال 86 و به دنبال تجمع دانشجویان چپ دانشگاه ها به مناسبت روز دانشجو بازداشت و پس از مدتی با قرار وثیقه آزاد شده بود.
آرش بهمنی

University Student Stands up to Regime in Speech

In a speech at Semnan University on May 25, 2010, a university student criticized Safar Harandi, the former minister of Islmaic Guidance and Culture under Ahmadinejad.

The student began his speech by stating, “First I would like to greet you and other students. First of all, I would like to apologize that we couldn’t welcome you like the students of *Khajeh Nasir Toosi University did.”

(*Translator’s note: on November 1, 2009, Safar Harandi’s speech to Basij students at Khajeh Nasir Toosi University in Tehran was interrupted by student protestors. He was forced to leave the university)

The student then challenged Harandi’s definition of justice while highlighting the killings by regime forces in the street protests.

The student then asked Harandi to pay a visit to Kahrizak prison.

The act by the university student is a risky one since the regime has demonstrated zero tolerance to any criticism by its citizens.

Translation: Siavosh J. Persian2English.com

Zia Nabavi’s Prison Sentence Reduced to Ten Years by Appeals Court

RAHANA


Zia Nabavi’s Prison Sentence Reduced to Ten Years by Appeals Court
May 30, 2010
Follow-ups Human Rights Prisoners & Their Families Students

Branch 54 of the Appeals Court reduced Ziaoldin Nabavi’s sentence to ten years in prison. Nabavi is a member of the Right to Education Council.

In his first trial, branch 26 of the Revolutionary Court found Nabavi guilty of assembly and conspiracy with intent to act against national security, anti-regime propaganda, disruption of public order, disturbance of public opinion, and collaboration with the MKO. Nabavi was sentenced to 15 years in prison and 74 lashes.

According to the Committee of Human Rights Reporters, Nabavi’s lawyer Zhinoos Sharifi stated before that the first court’s verdict was an act of vengeance to punish her client for his activities in the Right to Education Council.

Ziaoldin Nabavi was arrested on June 15, 2009 at a friend’s house. Nabavi’s lawyer has stated that her client’s main charge was his participation in the June 25th rally.


Background:

Zia Nabavi’s Letter to the Judiciary Chief Sadeq
Larijani

Your Excellency Ayatollah Larijani, Chief
of the Judiciary,

My name is Ziaoldin Nabavi. I was born in 1983 in the city of Qaemshahr [county in the province of Mazandaran]. I was arrested in the wake of the presidential election on the night of June 14th while I was at a relative’s house. After spending 100 days in the Ministry of Intelligence ward 209 in Evin prison, I was transferred to the general ward. Currently I am being held in ward 350.

I graduated with a chemical engineering degree from the University of Technology of Babol, and I was prevented from completing my master’s degree in sociology (I am a so-called “starred” student) [i.e. a system developed by Iran’s Ministry of Advanced Education so students with disciplinary issues get penalized with stars. After a certain number of stars, those students are prevented from continuing their education. The system is primarily used against student activists].

Here is a summary of the charges against me and the sentence I received for each:

1.Conspiracy to act against national security (three years in prison)
2.Propaganda against the regime(one year in prison)
3.Disruption of public order (one year in prison)
4.Agitation of the public’s peace of mind (74 lashes)
5.Ties and cooperation with Mujahedin Khalq Organization (MKO) (ten years in prison to be served in the city of Izeh, Khuzestan)


There are three main reasons why I am writing you this letter:

First, to appeal such an unbelievably harsh sentence and to protest such irrelevant charges.

Second, to defend and restore the reputation and clear the names of “starred” students who were only defending their rights. They were never part of any political group that supported or opposed the ruling establishment.

Third, to raise concern about my situation (from the time of my arrest to the interrogations and trial). I have a responsibility to open a debate that would possibly lead to a change in (prison) procedures. It is very likely that methods employed have become the norm and are also practiced against other detainees. Justice directly affects the fate of people. Any mistake made is an unforgivable one.

Since the officials’ pursuit of starred students was, in my opinion, the main reason for my arrest, I would like to offer an explanation.

The trend to “star” students and deprive them of their education, as far as my generation can remember, started in 2006. In that same year, some of the students (activists or members of university Islamic student unions and who wanted entry to further their education) were disqualified despite meeting the academic criteria of
admission.

Student activists took their grievance to the evaluations office (responsible for overlooking all post-secondary qualifying exams). There they discovered that although they should have been able to gain admission, they were labelled as “unqualified” to continue their education. I became a star student in 2008.

Since 2006, the students deprived from their education have exercised many possibilities to restore their rights. They have met and talked with officials at the Ministry of Advanced Education, members of delegation that deal with violations from the ministry, parliamentary committees responsible for education, cultural organizations, the National Security, members of the Supreme Cultural Council, the Expediency Council, and high officials such as Messrs. Hashemi, Khatami, and Karroubi.


PHOTO:
Imprisoned student Zia Nabavi
The banned students even took their call for
justice to the Government Administrative Tribunal (The tribunal that adjudicated
on cases by citizens against government offices). The students’ statements were
not only regarded as trivial by the officials, but the existence of starred
students was completely denied.

After three years of unsuccessful attempts to restore their rights, students were obliged to set up an organization called “The Council to Defend the Right to Education”. They collectively pursued their cases at a time that coincided with the presidential election. They were hoping the election campaign atmosphere would make it easier for their voices to be heard, since there would be a larger public presence. Students decided to write letters to officials, in addition to contacting
presidential candidates and collecting data on “starred” students.

In the wake of the election and the events that followed, the goal of the students
was not accomplished. Instead, eight of the most active members were arrested,
imprisoned, and tried on false and irrelevant charges like Moharebeh [fighting
against God. A charge brought against members of armed opposition groups],
affiliation with armed opposition groups, and conspiracy to overthrow the
government.

As you know, education and acquiring knowledge have been highly recommended and encouraged by our religious traditions. On the one hand, the right to education is enshrined in various articles in the (Iranian) constitution, as well as in the United Nation’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It is also considered a fundamental and undeniable right. Therefore, deprivation of the right to education cannot be legally and reasonably justified as punishment.

On the other hand, if we agree that the deprivation of education is a legitimate punishment, then the officials need to explain the legal process in which the students were tried, convicted, and banned from their education. Moreover, it is clear that the deprivation measures were taken as a response to the activities of students during their post-secondary studies. For example, in the report by the Ministry of Intelligence against me, it states:
‘The individual who had an operational role in student protests and the strike
in Babol University (which by the way was not a political protest and simply
concerned the poor quality treatment of students), is suspended from his
education for the year 2006.”

Even if we do not accept the argument that a trial is necessary before a student can lose their right to education, the question still remains why students, who had already faced punishment from the university disciplinary committee (I was suspended for two semesters), get additionally punished by having their right to education revoked.

The most unfortunate and painful matter is the denial of the existence of starred
students by the Ministry of Advanced Education, the Evaluations Office, and even
the president himself while in the media. However, this is not the end of the
story. This tragedy was concluded by the arrest and trial of some of the
students charged with Moharebeh. Now, a mistake on the part of the officials was
complemented by a bigger one. A problem that could have been avoided by a little
leniency from the officials has turned into a catastrophe that manifested into a
cruel 15-year imprisonment sentence. The amount of years given to me is
unprecedented for a student activist.

The text of the verdict and sentencing read out by the judge, some noteworthy points appear. It seems these points have been the basis for the verdict. We were never provided the written text, and as a result, I rely on my memory to lay out as many of these points that I can remember:

•The accused has given no confession with regard to the allegations
•Some of the members of the family and relatives of the accused
have been a member of the MKO, and are currently residing in Camp Ashraf (MKO’s
base in Iraq).
•The accused has formed a society along with other students
deprived of education, and has engaged in political activities and meetings.
•The accused has been interviewed by foreign media regarding the deprivation
of education.
•The accused prepared reports of the conditions of some of the
deprived students and sent them to Amirkabir news site (belonging to Tehran’s
Polytechnic University students).
•Last year, someone from Iran News Agency
contacted the accused, but the accused considered the call suspicious and did
not respond.
•In 2009, an individual called Ashkan who had returned from
Camp Ashraf, contacted the accused and asked him to establish contact with the
MKO. The accused refused his request.
•In June 2009, someone that introduced
himself as a freelance journalist contacted the accused, but the accused
considered the contact suspicious and did not respond.
•The accused was
present on the June 25th [demonstration] from 4:30 to 5:30pm between Enqelab
Square and the Ministry of Labour.


Here are my explanations about
these points:


I have never stated anything but the truth during the
course of my interrogation, despite severe psychological and sometimes physical
pressures (sit ups, kicks, blows to the back of the head, insults, and
humiliation, etc.) . I have not confessed to crimes I never committed. My
activities have always been apparent and open for everyone to see.

Every
person is, without a doubt, responsible for their own actions. Therefore,
condemning someone for the actions and records of his relatives is illegal and
unjust [referring to the regime's accusation that Zia is Mujahedin] . If such a
condemnation was justified, there would be no innocent person on earth [due to
every person's likely affiliation with at least one person who has committed an
offence].


I have never denied my membership to the Council to Defend
the Rights to Education, and as I said during the interrogations, I was the one
with the most responsibilities in the group. However, the point is that the
actions of this group was only concerned with restoring the right to education
for starred students. No illegal activity ever took place, especially any that
could be considered hostile toward the establishment.

Since the
officials denied the existence of starred students, and national media (due to
national restrictions) did not report on the students’ deprived situation, which
if they did, could have helped demonstrate that the injustice students endure is
real. The students were left no choice but to speak to foreign media. What was
said in the interviews cannot be considered instances of lies, propaganda
against the regime, or agitation of the public’s peace of mind.

Due to
the susceptibility of my family, I was always careful not to, even
unconsciously, establish contact with the MKO. Also, as it has been noted in the
Ministry of Intelligence report, I never responded to any suspicious contact
(even when it came from a news agency). It is unbelievable that my refusal to
establish contact has been used against me to justify a 10-year prison sentence
on the charge of collaboration with the MKO.

I was only present at the
June 25th gathering at 4:30 to 5:30pm, between Enqelab Square and the Ministry
of Labour. I decided to participate on my own, and was not coordinated with any
group. In this period of time, no violence broke out, thus a charge of
conspiracy to act against national security and disturbing public order cannot
hold.

Since my arrest seven months ago, I have not seen any arrest
warrant or any renewal thereof (if such renewal took place at all). The only
written document I have ever seen was shown to me on the 70th day of my
detention, titled: Request for Reduction [of bail]. The space for the amount of
bail was left empty. I hastily signed the document due to the insistence of a
ward 209 guard. The document is available in my file, and the space for the
amount now reads $500,000 (USD).

During the interrogations, I was under
pressure to [falsely] accept the Council to Defend the Rights to Education as an
organization by the MKO, and I was their operative. However, I clearly stated
during the interrogation and the course of the trial that I have no common
interest or belief with the MKO, and I resent any political ideology based on
violence and blind obedience. I have repeatedly stated that if there was the
smallest evidence of my ties with this group (phone calls, e-mails, etc.), or
even if one of my friends or co-defendants stated that I was a supporter or
sympathizer of the MKO, I would not even object to a death sentence.

Moreover, whoever knows me is aware that I have a critical personality,
and I am not able to be a blind follower of a group or association. This
personality trait is evident in my writings as well as in my conduct and
activities during my studies. This matter cannot be unknown to the Ministry of
Intelligence, and that is why I am perplexed about the logical basis behind the
harsh sentence I have received.

In any case, for the sake of justice,
the dignity of deprived students, and the call for justice from an oppressed
person, I implore you to take a look at my case to see the injustices I have
endured. I welcome, in advance, any attempt to shed light on my case, even by
publishing to the media the text of the interrogations and the contents of my
case. This way, my claim regarding the lack of any evidence pertaining to
charges against me can be proven.

Since adjudicating is a complicated
form of acquiring knowledge, the conduct of the judicial system emanates from
the common theoretical and knowledge-based presumptions in society. Therefore,
as an individual interested in theoretical discussions, I find it necessary to
draw attention to a point:

One of our main problems is understanding the
social phenomenon of reductionism: the analysis of complex issues by simplifying
and focusing on one factor of a problem. The motive behind the reductionist
approach, aside from uncovering the truth, is to release oneself from the
stresses caused by when facing a new phenomenon dishonestly. Unfortunately, I
witnessed this way of thinking during the course of my interrogations.

Experts [expert is the term used to refer to the person who is in charge
of the case and/or the interrogation] who are supposed to dissect problems to
find the root of it and who were faced with the issue of ‘educationally deprived
students’, chose to simplify the solution by denying such students exist
entirely. After the denial plan failed, the experts then linked students to
opposition and hostile political groups.

Although a thousand reasons can
be offered to show that making such attributions to students is horribly
illogical and unjustified, the only advantage here is the peace of mind that
intelligence and security officials receive for their formed (albeit incorrect)
understanding of the problem that causes them to raise the price for the pursuit
of the right to education.

Believe me that during the course of my
interrogations, my wish was not to be released, but to find an opportunity to
have a conversation with the expert of the case. I wanted to explain to him how
the problem of the starred students started, and what they endured all these
years, in addition to many other issues. This never became possible due to the
environment of the interrogation sessions and the prevalent pressures. Every
conversation was contingent on confessing to a crime I had never committed or
imagined.

In any case, this is a request that has been left unanswered,
and all these years that we have been deprived from pursuing our studies, no
officials from the Ministry of Advanced Education, the judiciary, or the
Ministry of Intelligence has called on us to explain our grievances or to
express our demands. We hope that after the many anguishes and distresses on our
parts, this letter becomes the pretext under which conversations can take place.

Honourable Chief of the Judiciary,

Please put yourself in the
place of a person, who despite possessing academic skills and qualifications, is
deprived from continuing education and advancing academically. What is more
unfortunate is that students, due to their endeavour to restore their rights,
have received harsh sentences such as imprisonment. You can see that the hidden
repression in this injustice is truly painful.

Again, I implore that my
case and the cases of other starred students be reviewed from a completely legal
perspective, away from any political bias. Also, justice should be carried out
in the appeals stage, and at least the charge of ties with the MKO be eliminated
so other starred students and I can reclaim our dignity and clear our names.

Furthermore, since many students have fruitlessly taken their case to
Government Administrative Tribunal, I would like to ask you that in line with
other positive changes in the judicial system, the way these cases are handled
should change as well. Such changes will make it possible for students to return
to university and pursue their studies. Freedom is sweet, but freedom without
the possibility to study and acquire knowledge is void of any joy.

I
thank you in advance for your considerations.

Seyed Ziaoldin Nabavi
Ward 350 of Evin Prison

ضیاء نبوی به ۱۰ سال حبس تعزیری محکوم شد

کمیته گزارشگران حقوق بشر

– ضیاء نبوی، فعال دانشجویی و سخنگوی شورای دفاع از حق تحصیل از سوی شعبه ۵۴ دادگاه تجدیدنظر به ۱۰ سال حبس تعزیری محکوم شد.
پیش از این، شعبه ۲۶ دادگاه انقلاب، نبوی را به ۱۵ سال حبس و ۷۴ ضربه شلاق محکوم کرده بود. اتهام‌های این فعال دانشجویی، «اجتماع و تبانی به جهت برهم زدن امنیت ملی، تبلیغ علیه نظام، اخلال در نظم عمومی، تشویش اذهان عمومی و همکاری با منافقین» عنوان شده بود.
پیش‌تر، ژینوس شریفی، وکیل این فعال دانشجویی، علت صدور حکم موکل خود را «انتقام‌گیری از او برای فعالیت‌هایش در شورای دفاع از حق تحصیل»، خوانده بود.
ضياءالدين نبوی در شامگاه روز ۲۵ خرداد در منزل يكي از دوستانش بازداشت شد. به گفته وكيل اين فعال دانشجويی، اتهام اصلی نبوی حضور در راهپيمايی روز ۲۵ خرداد ماه بوده است.

More documents and a new video of torture in Rajai Shahr prison

HRANA
Rajai Shahr prison in Karaj, one of the most dangerous and notorious prisons in Iran, has turned into a place of exile for more than 70 political prisoners. Under the blind eye of prison authorities, Rajai Shahr is a place of torture, rape, murder, and many other human rights violations.

HRANA has released another video as part of a series of reports aimed at revealing human rights violations by prison authorities. This video was taken at Rajai Shahr prison in Karaj and transferred to the outside by means that cannot be disclosed due to security reasons.

In general, the videos of abuse, [rape,] and torture aim to reveal that the behaviour of prison authorities is against all legal and humanitarian principles. The combined documents illustrate the dire situation prisoners face in Rajai Shahr prison and the lack of responsibility and action taken by prison officials and the judiciary to confront the atrocities.

It is worth mentioning that the previous head of Rajai Shahr (M. SH) was sentenced and arrested in 2003 for trafficking Iranian girls to Persian Gulf countries. Now, he is responsible for imprisoned Basij members. In addition, R. Khademi, formerly responsible for security at Rajai Shahr, was transferred to a different location due to inappropriate contact with a number of female prisoners. There was also the arrest of a doctor and a number of prison authorities for reasons such as inappropriate contact with prisoners and drug trafficking.
Many of the prisoners in Rajai Shahr, including those who came forward as witnesses, sat in front of HRANA cameras and put their lives at risk to seek help and support from all human rights organizations. Their only hope is that the information will lead to the improvement of prison conditions, prison management, and at minimum, a higher level of respect for human rights.

Translation: Negar Irani Persian2English.com


The video displays the torture wounds inflicted on a prisoner in Rajai Shahr. Both arms of the young man are broken. One of the voices in the video states that what you see is a way of life in Rajai Shahr prison. Another voice explains that Akharian, the head of ward 1 in the prison, has repeatedly stated that no one is able to tell him what to do because he is the boss of the prison

رانا؛ انتشار اسناد / ویدئوی زندانی شکنجه شده در زندان رجایی شهر کرج

جمعه 07 خرداد 1389 ساعت 08:01
خبرگزاری هرانا – زندان رجایی شهر کرج بعنوان یکی از پر خطرترین زندان های ایران، بصورت تبعیدگاه محل نگهداری بیش از ۷۰ زندانی سیاسی است. این زندان در سایه ی خودسری مسولان و مدیریت آن همواره شاهد موارد متعددی از شکنجه، تجاوز، قتل و سایر موارد نقض حقوق بشر بوده است.
خبرگزاری هرانا، ارگان خبری مجموعه فعالان حقوق بشر در ایران در سلسله انتشار اسناد خود با موضوع خودسری مسولان این زندان به انتشار ویدیویی دیگر اقدام نمود.
این ویدیو که در زندان رجایی شهر کرج ضبط و از طرقی که بنا به دلایل امنیتی از ذکر آن معذور هستیم به بیرون زندان منتقل شده است به شکنجه و ضرب و شتم چند زندانی توسط مسولان بند برخلاف تمامی اصول قانونی و انسانی می پردازد.
روز گذشته نیز این خبرگزاری ویدیویی از شهادت یک زندانی در خصوص شکنجه و تجاوز در این زندان منتشر کرده بود. این اسناد به خوبی بعنوان مشتی از خروار، گویای وضعیت وخیم زندانیان این زندان و بی توجهی مسولان سازمان زندان ها و قوه قضاییه نسبت به آنچه در زندان رجایی شهر کرج می گذرد است.



در رابطه با چینش مدیریتی این زندان نیز باید اشاره شود، ریاست سابق این زندان (م.ش) به دلیل قاچاق دختران ایرانی به کشورهای حاشیه خلیج فارس در سال ۸۲ بازداشت و محکوم شد (نامبرده هم اکنون بعنوان زندانی، مسول بسیج این زندان است)، همین طور مسول سابق حفاظت این زندان (ر.خادمی) نیز به دلیل ارتباط نامشرع با چند تن از زندانیان زن این زندان به محل دیگری تبعید شد. هم چنین باید اشاره کرد به پزشک و تنی از مسولان تعاون و مسولان بندها که به دلایلی چون روابط نامشروع و همینطور قاچاق مواد مخدر که در محدوده زمانی ۱۸ ماه اخیر بازداشت شده اند.
تعداد بسیاری از زندانیان محبوس در این زندان منجمله شاهدانی که در مقابل دوربین نشسته اند، برای حفظ امنیت و جان خود از تمامی سازمان های مدافع حقوق بشر استمداد طلبیده اند. آن ها امید دارند با افشاگری های خود علی رغم در خطر قرار گرفتن امنیت جانی، بتوانند بهبودی را در موضوع مدیریتی این زندان و رعایت حداقل حقوق خود شاهد شوند.

Isa Saharkhiz Taken to Rajai Shahr Prison Clinic for Chest Pains

Imprisoned journalist Isa Saharkhiz was transferred to the Rajai Shahr prison clinic as a result of severe chest pains he began to experience. The doctors who examined him recommended further tests and examinations to be performed outside the prison.

Isa Saharkhiz has now been in prison for one year without trial. His fate remains uncertain and the reason for his transfer to Rajai Shahr prison (notorious for holding criminals who have committed serious crimes) remains unclear.

It is worth mentioning that when Saharkhiz was transferred to Rajai Shahr, his medicines were not given to him and he has been deprived of them to date, which explains his recent chest pains.

عارضه قلبی عیسی سحرخیز در رجایی شهر

عیسی سحرخیز، روزنامه نگار دربند که به تازگی به زندان رجایی شهر منتقل شده است، دچار بیماری قلبی شده است.
به گزارش خبرنگار تا آزادی روزنامه نگاران زندانی، روز گذشته و در پی شدت گرفتن قبل درد سحرخیز، این روزنامه نگار به بهداری زندان رجایی شهر رفت و دکترهای زندان بر لزوم انجام تست ورزش و معاینه خارج از زندان تاکید کردند.
این روزنامه نگار قریب به یک سال است که در بازداشت موقت است و تا کنون دادگاهی نشده، وی در حالی در بلاتکلیفی به سر می برد که چندی پیش به دلایل نامعلوم به زندان رجایی شهر منتقل شد.
گفتنی است هنگام انتقال سحرخیز به زندان رجایی شهر، داروهای این روزنامه نگار به او داده نشده و تا کنون نیز از تحویل دادن داروها ممانعت به عمل آمده است و به نظر می رسد قلب درد او به دلیل عدم استفاده از دارو باشد