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The following article will shed some light on "Iranian Labor or workers condition and movement".
The following article will shed some light on "Iranian Labor or workers condition and movement".
The article will also distinguish realities of the life of Iranian workers and the struggle they h
ead.
ead.Majid Mohammadi (sociologist) – The main prohibition that Iranian workers have is being deprived of independent labor associations… Many of the problems workers face in Iran has increased in Ahmadinejad's government.
The difference between democratic governments and undemocratic governments is that in democratic regimes, because of the intermediary figure of the government, workers can assemble and convey their voice to others or in some instances get their rights in part by way of strikes or other forms of protests. But workers in undemocratic governments are denied such an instrument and voice. What is the current state of labor associations in Iran?
Syndicates
Syndicates have been and are the most independent of labor unions in Iran and therefore are under the most pressure. All labor syndicates were banned after the rulers of the Islamic Republic consolidated their power in 1981 and were eliminated from the official political and social scene. Members of the syndicates who wanted to continue their activities were prosec
uted and some of the most active members like Mansour Osalu, Ibrahim Madadi and Ali Nejati are jailed. Organizations like the Syndicate of the Drivers of the Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company, the Syndicate of Workers of the Haft Tapeh Sugar Cane Factory and the Iran Free Labor Union are some of these organizations.
Islamic Labor Councils and Labor House
At the same that syndicates were banned, the Islamic Republic and its supporters created a state-made rival in the labor environment named Islamic Labor Organizations and Labor Houses were tasked with coordinating their activities. The ILNA (Iran Labor News Agency) is the official news agency of these organizations and the only thing it does not do is report and cover the violation of workers' rights by government institutions. The Labor House has branches in provincial capitals and Islamic Labor Organizations are active in provinces. Fr
om the very start, the main function of the Islamic Labor Councils was to rob labor organizations of their labor identity and instead give them a religious and ideological identity.
According to article d and e of law 2 of the creation of Islamic Labor Councils, only those who believe in and are obligated to Islam and the theory of the leadership (Khamenei) and those who have no tendency towards illegal parties, organizations and groups and/or dissident groups of the Islamic Republic will become members of this council. Also, according to a footnote in this law, the determining of the qualification of membership candidates in the Islamic Labor Councils in the framework of the noted conditions in the aforementioned law lies with a group made up of the representative of the Labor Ministry, the representative of the respective ministry and the elected representative of the Employee
s Assembly. With these two articles and the footnote only (regime) elements can become members of these councils…
Islamic Labor Councils have no direct links to workers' issues and only play the part of a controller in working environments.
The Islamic Republic has created fake instances of (independent) organizations to front independent institutions.
Other than the Islamic Labor Councils made to counter syndicates, there is a long list of such fake state-made institutions created to counter independent institutions: The Islamic Student Society or Islamic Student Associations (with appointed central councils) to counter Islamic Associations or independent student organizations (with elected central councils), the Association of the Moviemakers of the Holy Defense to counter the Cinema House, the Muslim Journalists Association to counter the Journalists Association, the Muslim Publicists Union to counter the Publicists Union and the Pen Association as opposed to the Writers' Center. In many cases the fake institutions have been created with the same name as the independent association or institution to decrease the popularity of the independent association. (Like the Office for Consolidating Unity or the Journalists' Association which have been made by the state to marginalize the independent associations of the same name). In some cases, internationally used names without the Islamic provisions are used to give the state-made institution the appearance of a popular association (such as the Pen Association).
Labor Bassij
In the past two decades, even the Labor House was not always trusted by the leaders
hip and the Ahamdinejad government because of some of its reformist tendencies and the leadership and government started empowering the Labor Bassij. The Labor Bassij has militarized the atmosphere much more than Islamic Labor Councils and only accepts militia and fascist groups as representatives of laborers. The purpose of such organizations is not to demand labor rights for workers (main duty of syndicates) and not even to carry out Islamic rules in working environments (main purpose of the Islamic Labor Councils) but to carry out the demands of the leader.
The government is the main employer
The reason the government's interference in labor unions is affective is because the Iranian government is actually the biggest employer in Iran. The government in Iran does not stand between the employer and the laborer as a mediator and impartial judge with specific principles which represents the people, but as an employer and wherever it is faced with opposition, it uses its forces to suppress and quell protests.
Iranian factories are directly run by the government (Quds Institutions run by the leader and state-run companies) or are given to semi-government elements that are indirectly under the control of people with close ties to the government (mainly military and security institutions). In such a state, the chances of the growth and fertility of independent labor organizations are very low.
Divine official confronts demands
Khomeini dissolved independent labor organizations with only one sentence: "God is also a worker". The government has given workers the status of God, teachers the status of the
prophet and has told women that heaven is under their feet so that they would ignore their rights and not make any demands enabling their rulers to divide the country's resources among themselves and those loyal to them.
The representatives of God on earth play the part of employers and capitalists and rob the people of their wealth and resources while 'peasantry' have to be happy that they have Godly status given to them by the representative of God. If they receive barely enough bread to survive by, it is out of the kindness of their rulers and not because it is their right
The difference between democratic governments and undemocratic governments is that in democratic regimes, because of the intermediary figure of the government, workers can assemble and convey their voice to others or in some instances get their rights in part by way of strikes or other forms of protests. But workers in undemocratic governments are denied such an instrument and voice. What is the current state of labor associations in Iran?
Syndicates
Syndicates have been and are the most independent of labor unions in Iran and therefore are under the most pressure. All labor syndicates were banned after the rulers of the Islamic Republic consolidated their power in 1981 and were eliminated from the official political and social scene. Members of the syndicates who wanted to continue their activities were prosec
uted and some of the most active members like Mansour Osalu, Ibrahim Madadi and Ali Nejati are jailed. Organizations like the Syndicate of the Drivers of the Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company, the Syndicate of Workers of the Haft Tapeh Sugar Cane Factory and the Iran Free Labor Union are some of these organizations.Islamic Labor Councils and Labor House
At the same that syndicates were banned, the Islamic Republic and its supporters created a state-made rival in the labor environment named Islamic Labor Organizations and Labor Houses were tasked with coordinating their activities. The ILNA (Iran Labor News Agency) is the official news agency of these organizations and the only thing it does not do is report and cover the violation of workers' rights by government institutions. The Labor House has branches in provincial capitals and Islamic Labor Organizations are active in provinces. Fr
om the very start, the main function of the Islamic Labor Councils was to rob labor organizations of their labor identity and instead give them a religious and ideological identity.According to article d and e of law 2 of the creation of Islamic Labor Councils, only those who believe in and are obligated to Islam and the theory of the leadership (Khamenei) and those who have no tendency towards illegal parties, organizations and groups and/or dissident groups of the Islamic Republic will become members of this council. Also, according to a footnote in this law, the determining of the qualification of membership candidates in the Islamic Labor Councils in the framework of the noted conditions in the aforementioned law lies with a group made up of the representative of the Labor Ministry, the representative of the respective ministry and the elected representative of the Employee
s Assembly. With these two articles and the footnote only (regime) elements can become members of these councils…Islamic Labor Councils have no direct links to workers' issues and only play the part of a controller in working environments.
The Islamic Republic has created fake instances of (independent) organizations to front independent institutions.
Other than the Islamic Labor Councils made to counter syndicates, there is a long list of such fake state-made institutions created to counter independent institutions: The Islamic Student Society or Islamic Student Associations (with appointed central councils) to counter Islamic Associations or independent student organizations (with elected central councils), the Association of the Moviemakers of the Holy Defense to counter the Cinema House, the Muslim Journalists Association to counter the Journalists Association, the Muslim Publicists Union to counter the Publicists Union and the Pen Association as opposed to the Writers' Center. In many cases the fake institutions have been created with the same name as the independent association or institution to decrease the popularity of the independent association. (Like the Office for Consolidating Unity or the Journalists' Association which have been made by the state to marginalize the independent associations of the same name). In some cases, internationally used names without the Islamic provisions are used to give the state-made institution the appearance of a popular association (such as the Pen Association).
Labor Bassij
In the past two decades, even the Labor House was not always trusted by the leaders
hip and the Ahamdinejad government because of some of its reformist tendencies and the leadership and government started empowering the Labor Bassij. The Labor Bassij has militarized the atmosphere much more than Islamic Labor Councils and only accepts militia and fascist groups as representatives of laborers. The purpose of such organizations is not to demand labor rights for workers (main duty of syndicates) and not even to carry out Islamic rules in working environments (main purpose of the Islamic Labor Councils) but to carry out the demands of the leader.The government is the main employer
The reason the government's interference in labor unions is affective is because the Iranian government is actually the biggest employer in Iran. The government in Iran does not stand between the employer and the laborer as a mediator and impartial judge with specific principles which represents the people, but as an employer and wherever it is faced with opposition, it uses its forces to suppress and quell protests.
Iranian factories are directly run by the government (Quds Institutions run by the leader and state-run companies) or are given to semi-government elements that are indirectly under the control of people with close ties to the government (mainly military and security institutions). In such a state, the chances of the growth and fertility of independent labor organizations are very low.
Divine official confronts demands
Khomeini dissolved independent labor organizations with only one sentence: "God is also a worker". The government has given workers the status of God, teachers the status of the
prophet and has told women that heaven is under their feet so that they would ignore their rights and not make any demands enabling their rulers to divide the country's resources among themselves and those loyal to them.The representatives of God on earth play the part of employers and capitalists and rob the people of their wealth and resources while 'peasantry' have to be happy that they have Godly status given to them by the representative of God. If they receive barely enough bread to survive by, it is out of the kindness of their rulers and not because it is their right
تشکلهاي کارگري غير خودي ممنوع: در انتظار لطف حاکمان بمانيد
مجيد محمدي (جامعهشناس) - مهم ترين محروميت کارگران ايراني محروميت آنها از داشتن تشکلهاي مستقل است...
بسياري از مشکلات (كارگران) در دوران احمدي نژاد در ايران تشديد شدهاند.
اما تفاوت رژيمهاي دمکراتيک و اقتدارگرا آنجاست که در رژيم هاي دمکراتيک بواسطهي نقش مياني دولت، کارگران مي توانند متشکل شده و صداي خود را به گوش ديگران برسانند يا در مقاطعي با اعتصاب يا ديگر انواع اعتراض بخشي از حقوق خود را کسب کنند اما کارگران در رژيمهاي اقتدارگرا از چنين ابزار و صدايي محرومند. تشکل هاي کارگري در ايران امروز چه وضعيتي دارند؟
سنديکاها
سنديکاها مستقل ترين تشکلهاي کارگري در ايران بوده و هستند و از اين جهت بيشترين فشارها نيز به آنها وارد مي آيد. همهي سنديکاهاي کارگري پس از تحکيم قدرت توسط حاکمان جمهوري اسلامي در سال 1360غير قانوني اعلام شده و از حوزهي رسمي جامعهي مدني و سياسي حذف شدند. اعضاي آن دسته از اين تشکلها که مي خواستهاند به فعاليت خود ادامه دهند مورد پرونده سازي قرار گرفته و فعال ترين آنها مثل منصور اسانلو، ابراهيم مددي و علي نجاتي در زنداناند. تشکلهايي مانند سنديکاي کارگران شرکت واحد اتوبوس راني تهران و حومه، سنديکاي کارگران شرکت نيشکر هفت تپه، و اتحاديه آزاد کارگران ايران از جملهي اين تشکلها هستند.
شوراهاي اسلامي کار و خانه کارگر
همزمان با ممنوع کردن سنديکاها، حکومت جمهوري اسلامي و هواداران آن در محيطهاي کارگري به خلق رقيبي حکومت ساخته به نام تشکلهاي اسلامي کار پرداختند و خانهي کارگر هماهنگي اين شوراها را بر عهده گرفت. ايلنا خبرگزاري اين تشکيلات است که به تنها کاري که نمي پردازد گزارش نقض حقوق کارگران توسط نهادهاي دولتي و شبه دولتي است. خانهي کارگر در مراکز استانها شعبه دارد و شوراهاي اسلامي کار در استانها رتق و فتق مي کند. کارکرد اصلي شوراهاي اسلامي کار از ابتدا اين بود که هويت صنفي را از تشکلهاي کارگري اخذ کرده و به آنها هويت مذهبي و ايدئولوژيک بدهد.
بنا به بندهاي ج و د مادهي 2 قانون تشکيل شوراهاي اسلامي کار، تنها کساني به عضويت اين شوراها در مي آيند که به اسلام و ولايت فقيه اعتقاد و التزام عملي داشته و به احزاب و سازمانها و گروههاي غير قانوني و گروههاي مخالف جمهوري اسلامي گرايش نداشته باشند. همچنين، بنا به تبصرهي مادهي فوق، تشخيص صلاحيت کانديداهاي عضويت در شوراهاي اسلامي در چارچوب شرايط مذکور در ماده فوق به عهده هياتي مرکب از نمايندهي وزارت کار، نمايندهي وزار
تخانه مربوطه، و نمايندهي منتخب مجمع کارکنان است. با دو بند و تبصرهي فوق تنها خوديها به عضويت اين شوراها در مي آمدهاند...
شوراهاي اسلامي کار هيچ ارتباط مستقيمي با مسائل کارگران ندارد و تنها نقش کنترلي در محيطهاي کارگري دارد.
هنر جمهوري اسلامي همواره درست کردن نمونه هاي قلابي تشکلها در برابر نهادهاي مدني و مستقل بوده است.
غير از شوراهاي اسلامي کار در برابر سنديکاها، فهرستي طولاني از اين نهادهاي قلابي دولت ساخته در برابر نهادهاي مستقل وجود دارد: جامعهي اسلامي دانشجويان يا انجمن هاي اسلامي دانشجويي (با شوراي مرکزي انتصابي) در برابر انجمن هاي اسلامي يا غير اسلامي مستقل دانشجويان (با شوراي مرکزي انتخابي)، انجمن فيلمسازان دفاع مقدس در برابر خانه ي سينما، انجمن روزنامه نگاران مسلمان در برابر انجمن صنفي روزنامه نگاران، اتحاديه ناشران مسلمان در برابر اتحاديهي ناشران، و انجمن قلم در برابر کانون نويسندگان. در بسياري از موارد نهادهاي قلابي با همان اسم انجمنها و نهادهاي مستقل ساخته شدهاند تا افراد در مواجهه با نهادهاي مستقل سر گشتگي پيدا کنند (مثل دفتر تحکيم وحدت يا انجمن صنفي روزنامه نگاران که توسط حکومت ساخته شدهاند تا تشکلهايي به همين نام که منتقد دولت هستند به حاشيه روند). در برخي از موارد نيز از اسامي بينالمللي بدون قيود اسلامي استفاده شده تا نهاد انتصابي و دولت ساخته مردمي جلوه کند (مثل انجمن قلم).
بسيج کارگري
در دو دههي هفتاد و هشتاد، حتي خانهي کارگر به دليل برخي گرايشهاي اصلاح طلبانه مورد اعتماد دستگاه رهبري و دولت احمدي نژاد نبوده و بيت رهبري و دولت به تقويت بسيج کارگري پرداختهاند. بسيج کارگري از جهت نظامي کردن فضا بسيار فراتر از شوراهاي اسلامي کار رفته و تنها گروه هاي شبه نظامي و فاشيستي را به عنوان نمايندگان قشر کارگري مطرح مي سازد. هدف از تشکيل اين تشکل ها نه پيگيري مطالبات صنفي کارگران (کار اصلي سنديکاها) و نه حتي اجراي احکام اسلامي در محيطهاي کاري (هدف اصلي شوراهاي اسلامي کار) بلکه تحقق منويات رهبري است.
دولت، بزرگ ترين کارفرما
علت موثر واقع شدن دولت در دخالت در تشکلهاي کارگري ان است که دولت در ايران بزرگترين کارفرماست. دولت در ايران در ميان کارفرما و کارگر به عنوان واسطه و ناظر و داوري بي طرف و داراي اصول مشخص و نماينده ي مردم نمي ايستد بلکه دولت خودِ کارفرماست و هرجا با اعتراض مواجه شود از قواي قهريهي خود براي سرکوب و خاموش کردن اعتراضات بهره مي گيرد. کارخانه هاي ايران يا مستقيما توسط حکومت (بنيادها و آستان هاي قدس تحت نظر رهبري) و دولت (شرکت هاي دولتي اداره مي شوند يا در اختيار شبه دولتي ها قرار دارند که به طور غير مستقيم تحت نظر افراد نزديک به حاکميت (عمدتا نهادهاي نظامي، انتظامي و امنيتي) هستند. در چنين شرايطي امکان رشد و بارور شدن تشکل هاي مستقل کارگري بسيار اندک است.
مقام الهي در برابر نفي مطالبات
خميني نابودي تشکل هاي مستقل کارگري را با تنها يک جمله رفع و رجوع کرد: "خدا هم کارگر است." حکومت به کارگران مقام خدايي، به معلمان مقام پيامبري و به زنان بهشتي زير پايشان عطا کرد تا ديگر به حقوق خود توجهي نداشته باشند و مطالبات خود را به کناري نهند تا حاکمان آنها منابع کشور را در ميان خود و وفادارانشان تقسيم و توزيع کنند.
نمايندگان خدا بر روي زمين نقش کارفرما و سرمايه دار را ايفا مي کنند و دسترنج و منابع مردم را مي برند و "رعايا" بايد به مقام و موقعيت الهي که نمايندگان خدا به آنها اعطا کردهاند دل خوش باشند. اگر هم نان بخور و نميري به آنها داده مي شود از باب لطف حاکمان است و نه حق و حقوق. (سايت راديو فردا – 10/2/89)
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