Ali Malihi, jailed journalist beaten in prison

Committee of Human Rights Reporters
Ali Malihi, a journalist and member of the Iran Graduates Organization who was arrested on February 9 and transferred to Evin Prison was beaten in this prison.
Interrogators beat him because of his resistance to the extent that the bruises and torture signs were evident on his face.
Human Rights Activists in Iran
A Kurd citizen identified as Karvan Azizi was shot and killed by security forces in the border region of Siran Band in the town of Baneh.
On Sunday March 8, security forces opened fire on a number of border tradesmen who were reportedly carrying smuggled fabric and clothes which led to the death of Karvan Azizi.
Another Kurd man, whose identity is not known, was also severely wounded.

EU Should Be Hard on Iran


Fiorello Provera

Eighty Members of the European Parliament, including its former president, Hans-Gert Pöttering, and former Belgian Prime Minister Guy Verhofstadt, are urging the parliament to honor its commitment to human rights by remembering the life of Neda Agha Soltan, the young woman who was killed last June in Tehran while standing up for her rights. We believe that the European Parliament should commemorate her sacrifice by hanging a poster of her image on the external wall of the parliament’s premises in Brussels, beside the poster of Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of Burma’s democratic opposition.

This year will be a crucial and uncertain year for Iran and for its relations with the European Union. The domestic hostility toward the regime that erupted in the aftermath of the disputed presidential elections last June has not died away but has become stronger and more determined.

The Ashura riots of December and the violent suppression of protests during the recent anniversary to mark the 31st anniversary of the Islamic Revolution were some of the fiercest to date. The regime’s sharp crackdown ahead of the anniversary did not stop thousands from marching in the streets, despite the threat of swift retribution. The likelihood of more arrests, trials and bloodshed is a concern for many in the international community.

More ominously, following the riots the regime put 16 opposition members on trial for taking part in the demonstrations, with prosecutors indicating that some would be charged with the offense of mohareb — “making a war against God” — a capital crime.

The heavy-handed approach adopted by the regime is causing friction even among its loyalists. A former member of Iran’s parliament, Javad Ettaat, argues that the “government is contravening the principles of Islam by using an iron fist against protesters.” Mohammad Taghi Khalaji, a cleric and devoted follower of Ayatollah Khomeini, was arrested on Jan. 12 after saying at a Tehran mosque that Iran’s leaders should repent for their actions.

The European Parliament has been paying close attention to Iran’s deteriorating situation. There has been pressure to impose targeted sanctions aimed at impeding the financial operations of the country’s Revolutionary Guard, which holds a virtual monopoly over strategic industries such as banking, defense and construction. Since many European companies have profited from investing in such firms, deciding on the terms of sanctions could prove cumbersome.

On the issue of Iran’s nuclear ambitions, the Iranian government’s equivocal position is also a source of growing concern. Many European lawmakers are worried by the prospect of a nuclear-armed Iran on Europe’s doorstep and are not convinced by the regime’s claim that it seeks only nuclear energy.

It is critical, therefore, that the EU demonstrate its commitment to the Iranian people through actions, rather than words by taking a tougher stance against the regime. Targeted sanctions aimed at the Revolutionary Guard would be an important step, but so is clearly expressing solidarity with the millions of Iranians who are fighting for a democratic and pluralist society.

Europe should stand with Iran’s civil society, and the European Parliament has already paid tribute to the courage of all those Iranian men and women who are defending their basic freedoms and democratic principles. A concrete demonstration of its commitment is the request to make better use of the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights.

Eighty Members of the European Parliament, including its former president, Hans-Gert Pöttering, and former Belgian Prime Minister Guy Verhofstadt, are urging the parliament to honor its commitment to human rights by remembering the life of Neda Agha Soltan, the young woman who was killed last June in Tehran while standing up for her rights. We believe that the European Parliament should commemorate her sacrifice by hanging a poster of her image on the external wall of the parliament’s premises in Brussels, beside the poster of Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of Burma’s democratic opposition.

Agha Soltan has become a symbol of the desire for freedom of a people that Europe must help. This simple act could demonstrate the importance of Europe’s soft power, which frightens the Islamic Republic more than the threat of military force by keeping the media spotlight on the regime’s human rights record and emphasizing its growing isolation. It would also foster stronger ties between Iran’s civil society and the outside world, while setting an example to the international community that the EU is committed to the principles enshrined in its own Charter of Fundamental Rights.

Europe’s policy for Iran is not regime change, but when human rights and democracy are at stake we cannot simply close our eyes.




Fiorello Provera is vice chairman of the European Parliament’s Committee on Foreign Affairs. © Project Syndicate
Sahar Sepehri

Iranian women's groups and other organisations are fighting a much discussed proposed law which they say would encourage polygamy by allowing a man to take a second wife without the permission of the first under certain circumstances. The proposal comes at a time when the country has been rocked by protests, in which women have played a major part, following the disputed re-election last June of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

Although Islamic law permits a man to marry up to four wives (with strict restrictions), polygamy is not widely practiced in Iran. At present, an Iranian man needs his wife's permission to take a second wife.

A so-called Family Protection Law, proposed by the government in 2008, said a man could marry a second wife on the condition that he could afford both wives financially. The Parliament dropped that clause following a wave of opposition from women, but is now reconsidering a different version of the provision.

The spokesman for the Parliament's Judicial and Legal Commission, Amir Hussein Rahimi, announced recently that the commission has now approved Article 23 of the proposed Family Protection Law that states, "A man can marry a second wife under ten conditions."

The new version still requires the first wife to give her husband permission, though controversially this permission would not be required under certain conditions, such as if she is mentally ill, suffers from infertility, does not cooperate sexually or has a chronic medical condition or drug addiction.

Iranian women still oppose the legalisation of polygamy, saying it weakens their role and status at home and in society.

The original plan was dropped after a group of intellectuals, religious, social and human rights activists created a movement to voice their opposition to the law. In September 2008, a group of 50 well-known women, including poet Simin Behbahani, politician Azam Taleghani and lawyer and Noble laureate Shirin Ebadi, met representatives from the parliament to express their concerns about what they called "an anti-family protection law".

Islamic organisations such as the Zeinab Association and the Women's Organisation of the Islamic Revolution also supported the movement. And the One Million Signatures campaign, which opposes discrimination against women, played a significant role in mobilising public opinion.

The law was also controversial among government officials. Several reformists protested against it openly. Iran's former president, Mohammad Khatami, called it "persecution". And a leading cleric, Grand Ayatollah Yousef Sanei, stated, "If the first wife does not permit her husband to take another wife, the marriage will not be legitimate, even if a man can support both wives financially."

Nevertheless, the Speaker of the Parliament, Ali Larijani, has declared that it will consider a slightly amended version of the controversial article.

To which a young member of the Centre for Iranian Women, Taraneh Bani Yaghoub, replied, "The women's movement will not remain quiet."

Iran's first law recognising polygamy was passed when Reza Shah, who ruled between 1925 and 1941, was in power. In 1970, female activists demanded the secular government of Mohammad Reza Shah outlaw polygamy, but despite the government's positive reaction to their demand, clerics prevented it. In 1975, an alternative law was adopted, stating that polygamy was permitted under certain conditions, such as obtaining the first wife's permission.

Much has changed in Iran since 1976, when only 36 per cent of women were literate. Now, according to the Statistical Centre of Iran, 80 per cent of women are educated, and almost 1.6 million are university graduates – compared to 46,000 in 1976.

Despite government restrictions on women, the number of female professionals has increased to around six per cent a year, or 2.5 million women in 2006, according to official statistics. A large group of educated women has shaped today's Iranian society. For years, these women have demanded legal and social rights and equal treatment with men. They have resisted any law that weakens their rights or degrades their position in society.

Women are angry with the proposed law, and they have been disappointed by the reaction of key figures of the opposition movement. A recent statement signed by a group of women activists accused defeated presidential contenders Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi of ignoring women's rights and even their existence in their political manifestos, claiming that "women's issues are a major part of the current crisis and no solution will be achieved unless this issue is included."



* Sahar Sepehri is a journalist and media analyst based in Washington, DC. This abridged article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) with permission from the Institute for War and Peace Reporting.

LONDON—Royal Dutch Shell PLC said Wednesday it is no longer selling gasoline to Iran, the latest oil company to make such a move during threats of tougher sanctions against the Islamic republic.

"Shell is not currently selling gasoline to Iran," a company spokesman said. He declined to comment on whether it was related ...


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Following is a rush transcript from a speech delivered at today’s Geneva Summit for Human Rights, Tolerance and Democracy, by Caspian Makan, fiance of Neda Agha-Soltan, the young woman murdered by government troops during the June 2009 post-election demonstrations in Tehran.

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I was born in 1972 in Tehran, and when I started school, it was in 1979. And that coincided with the religious revolution under Mr. Khomeini. At that time, schools had to close their doors, everything had to stop in the country. And even though Islam was present at the time, no one had really realized what this had implied when Islamic authority took power. And people were receptive to the promises made. They thought they would be more well-being, they thought that they would be better off. They thought they would have more political freedoms and that would be added to further freedoms. Therefore they supported the guide of the revolution and the first thing that was done was to have the preceding government official, to have them step down, to have them either tortured or killed without trial.

Now my parents were civil servants under the preceding civil regime and their lives were put into danger. But my father was able to convince them that they were wrong and he saved our lives. People had to line up in a very harsh winter to be able to buy staples. But they took to the streets to demonstrate and our life was turned topsy-turvy. After a few months, schools had opened again but everything had changed.

I had never seen such things before. The girls who had been part of our class before had been separated. They had been sent to a special school. Our teachers had to change strangely, strange attire, they had to hide their hair, hide their bodies.

A lot of the books changed as well, for example how they taught history. We had to learn Arabic and the Quran and other Islamic subjects. And the life of Mr. Khomeini became compulsory as well. There was a very big change that the population had been subjected to, and slowly, pressure built up to control people’s opinion. If there was an ideology that anyone held that ran counter to Islam, that person was imprisoned or murdered.

Now, I remember, I had been eight years old and I had started a discussion with my music teacher. And I was expelled from my music class but I was not discouraged. I felt I had a role to play in society, I tried to understand what was going on socially and politically in Iran. I would attend public events, I visited hospitals, conferences, I would talk to the mullahs, the basiji and different supporters of the regime. I was not afraid, I started a conversation up.

I studied architecture and film, and I continued my work as a writer and a poet. I was a journalist and a photographer. But due to the pressure that was placed on people, and on society, I wanted to reflect what was happening politically, and socially, through my poems, in my films, in everything I wrote. Now I was threatened, I was censured and I was arrested for short periods of time. And I realized that I wouldn’t be able to continue my activities, so I focused on nature and history. But I still keep trying to take a short glance at politics. I studied different religions secretly and then I decided to change religions.

Now we’re in 1983 in Iran, when we talk about Nega Agha Soltan, when she was born. Her father was in civil service and he was a musician. She was very intelligent, she was very honest. She was very sincere, she had a very sharp mind, she was an intellectual. She was well ahead of the times and she was precocious for her age intellectually. I was impressed by her and she never got angry when people behaved badly. She was saddened by this. She was a deep thinker and she was really a source of joy for all of those around her.

We met on a trip, we struck up a conversation and we talked about the beauty of creation and nature that God had made. We talked for a bit and little by little things continued, and finally we decided to marry. She was an artist at heart.

She was very curious about different religions and the different visions people had about religions. And she decided to study for this reason theology and after a while she realized that the surface matters counted more at university than the reasons for wanting to study. And she spent a lot of time talking with the management of the university about the dress code and superficial matters like this and so she decided to drop her studies at university and decided to study art as she wished.

She always enjoyed talking about the different pressures that were being placed now on Iranian society, above all, young people. She suffered a great deal from these useless restrictions and she thought they were part of superstitions, that they were something from the Middle Ages.

She suffered from the lack of freedom that in society that wondered why this happened. She wondered why no one would react, why people didn’t speak up and didn’t complain. She explained her dissatisfaction. She wondered what would be the end result and what would happen.

What marked her as being different from other people was that she tried to find solutions, not only did she raise questions. And then the presidential elections arrived, and at that point, there was a campaign by the different candidates, and she rejected the regime.

She felt it wasn’t a matter of individuals, she felt that all the candidates were more or less the same. She thought it was always a show, always a charade. The regime had already designated its candidate. The people’s vote didn’t matter. And the die was already to some cast. She had never voted and I agreed with her. And that’s why I have never participated in the elections, because we thought that if we did, we would be participating in the regime to some extent.

And that’s what the regime had said, that the people had voted in a block to support the government. She felt they were fooling people, had exploited their naivete. They used fraud.

And that’s why before the campaign had began, the authorities had given instructions to the police to ease up on the population, to stop pressuring the population. Coupons were given out at the time so that people could buy food. So, the pressure had eased up.

A lot of the young people didn’t know who Mousavi, who was one of the candidates was, had been. They didn’t know that he had been a prime minister and had contributed to the extermination of thousands of political prisoners. They had only heard about him when he had been transformed, reborn, and they were fascinated by what he was saying. Young people above all else wanted to get rid of Mr. Ahmadinejad. We have to choose the lesser evil.

People took to the streets to express their joy. But, no one bothered them. The situation was less tense.

You didn’t see the militia in the streets. Now people thought this wasbecause of Mr. Mousavi’s participation. There had been a debatebetween the two candidates and these discussions allowed us to seewhat was happening behind the scene, to see the truths that emergedafter thirty years of oppression, and this was truly unprecedented.

Now, more and more people were supporting Mr. Mousavi. And after theelection when it had become clear that the election had been rigged,millions of people demonstrated and demanded their rights, once theycould see that Mr. Ahmadinejad was no longer supporting him.Over the past few months, we have seen in Iran that certain horriblecrimes perpetrated by the regime have come out. The electoral fraudthat appeared, has appeared. We have seen hate expressed by the peopleagainst Mr. Ahmadinejad. We have seen oppression by the regime thatdates back the thirty-one years of the revolution, we have seen theacts taken by the regime, taken by the regime when the results of theelection were announced.

A great pressure had built up again which recalls the situation of therevolution at the begin.Neda followed the campaign, and when the results of the election wereannounced, she realized it had been rigged, and she joined thedemonstrators. She had voted, and saw that circumstances had appearedwhere she saw she had the right to demand her rights. She saw that themistakes had been made by the regime and that it should be revealed tothe world at large. She felt that this should be told.People had been arrested and tortured, murdered even. The regime hadstruck with a strong hand. There was a groundswell of sentiment withthe people. Now there was a new element. There was new technology,there were mobile phones, there was satellite, there were all sorts ofnew technology that would be harnessed to broadcast all the terriblenews coming from Iran. The news of the revolution openly threatenedthe population and the government gave the order that people should betook down.

Nonetheless, people took the streets. And the mercenaries of theregime reacted against them and caused bloodshed. I was an eye witnessto this, I was doing my job. I was trying to collect information. I saw firsthand that the army of the revolution was shooting and killingthe demonstrators from a helicopter. Now four days before the event Ihad talked to Neda and I had tried to dissuade her from demonstrating.I was in love with her, I didn’t want her to be hurt. I knew theregime was fighting for survival and that nothing would stop it.

And I said to Neda why do you want to go demonstrate, she said we havea responsibility to defend our rights. She said, you know Caspian, Ilove you, I love being with you, but what is most important to me isthe freedom of our people. And I said to her and what if you are arrested, what will happen, and she said nothing. And I said what if you are shot at? And she said to me, “Even if a bullet hits my heart,it doesn’t matter, because everyone will be marked.”

And on that great day, I left ahead, and I heard her have aconversation with her mother, and her mother wasn’t able to turn backand talk her out of this.And at 6:00 on Saturday, the mercenaries of the regime did indeedshoot her to death, and put a bullet in her heart.

There was footage of her last moments and so the whole world had afirst hand account of the tyranny of Iran. They saw an inhuman andpainful and horrible act that showed the black face of an innocentwoman of 26 years was killed by a bullet in her heart. She was losingher blood but she remained conscious and she was calm even at the end.

Perhaps she was thinking at the end perhaps of her final objective. She did not fight to stay alive, she gave herself up to death.We have seen many people who have been wounded and killed but thisstruck the world particularly hard. We were able to see on the footagehow good and kind she was and admire her attitude when faced with death, to admire her courage as a symbol of liberty, as she diedhoping for a better life of the millions of Iranians who remainedbehind, and her wish for the gift of freedom for her people. Now theworld has experienced a great deal of progress.We have made great headway in science and technology. And this hasimproved humanity. But we can wonder if our spiritual depth has grownto the same extent as technology and science. And there is a clear answer, and that is no.And in human rights, our progress has been very feeble. After athousand years of history, we can still see that mankind treats eachother in a very cruel way. We can see that scientists spend colossal amounts of money to make progress to save lives.

At the same time we see that other authorities use their intelligenceto create increasingly deadly weapons to kill, rapidly, on a largescale and more efficiently.Now I’d like to make an appeal. I would like to appeal to theauthorities of the United Nations and human rights representatives. I would like to urge that we respect human rights and that in thisway, we help to put an end to the murder and the death of the man inflicts on his fellow man, that we put an end to murders, to wars, toextermination. I hope on the 20th of June when we mark the anniversary of death, thatwe think of her. She is a person who thought of freedom. I hope this day will mark a day when we end to man killing of mankind.I have a comment to make.

I would like to thank my dear friend who has just spoken about the Iranian regime and has rightly brought up a number of points, two of which I consider to be very important, not only considering theIranian regime but have a worldwide validity. And I would like tomention them concerning the clear and fragrant infringement of humanrights by the Iranian government, but of human rights, that they’dlike to be a member of the Human Rights Council.

If the Iranian regime does become a member of the Human Rights Council, then it will be a slap in the face of the other members ofthe Council.

Flouting such rights would be an encouragement of other countries whohave a tendency to do so and that would undermine the entirecredibility of the Human Rights Council.

I feel furthermore that if the Iranian regime became a member, thenthat would legitimize the regime and its inhuman and cruel acts Givingit legitimacy would encourage it to go further still.So I think that no activity should be considered a right for theregime, which is a dictatorship, nor any terrorist or dictatorship inthe world. Now the regime is lacking confidence and we should notendow them. However, armed with its nuclear technology, it is a perilfor world security.

The Iranian regime is very strong in terms of its army and weaponry.

It also has allies. Well, I won’t mention them by name. But there areallies that protect Iran.

So, nuclear technology under any form is a danger. And although theyclaim that it is used for peaceful ends to produce electricity, thispower in the hands of such an inhuman regime would become extremelydangerous. Given the countries that are protecting this, this couldeven lead to a world war, I feel.This is my message to the international community, to the UnitedNations, to world authorities. They should declare this regime to beillegitimate and work for its disappearance.

(New York) - The Iranian Judiciary should immediately release six women arrested in January and early February 2010, apparently in connection with their peaceful activities on behalf of the Mourning Mothers, Human Rights Watch said today.

Mourning Mothers is a civil society group established in June 2009 by mothers whose children lost their lives in state-sanctioned violence following Iran’s disputed June 12 election. In recent months many Iranians have expressed support for the group.

“Supporters of the Mourning Mothers, like other Iranian civil society activists, are apparently being locked up for their public show of solidarity on behalf of the group,” said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “These women have now spent weeks in detention without being allowed to see their families or having access to their lawyers.”

In the latest arrests, Intelligence Ministry agents arrested five supporters of the group in their homes during the evening or early morning hours of February 6 and 8. Those detained are Omolbanin Ebrahimi, Elham Ahsani, Jila Karamzadeh-Makvandi, Fatemeh Rastegari, and Leila Seifollahi.

A sixth supporter, Farzaneh Zeinali, was among 32 Mourning Mothers supporters arrested on January 9, when they attempted to gather in Laleh Park, where the group held its peaceful vigils. Authorities gradually released 31 of them over the following few days, but Zeinali remains in detention nearly two months later.

It is not clear whether authorities have informed the women of the reasons for their arrest, and they have not charged any of the detainees with any offense, Human Rights Watch said.

Ahsani’s mother told Human Rights Watch that six intelligence agents entered the family home on February 8, conducted a search and confiscated several items that belonged to her daughter. They then told Ahsani to come with them. When Ahsani’s mother asked why, the arresting officers said that they had “questions for her regarding events that took place after the elections.” They also said they were taking her to Evin Prison.

Her mother said that Ahsani was especially active with a registered civil society organization that provides social services to disadvantaged mothers and their children in Tehran. She had also attended one or two gatherings organized by the Mourning Mothers. The family later learned that it was Ahsani’s participation in those gatherings that led to her arrest.

Another family member of a detained Mourning Mothers supporter told Human Rights Watch that Intelligence Ministry agents entered their home with a general search warrant, allowing the agents to inspect the premises of anyone suspected of being involved in unlawful activities during the past several months. They searched the home and confiscated personal items, including a computer, CDs, and notebooks. The agents refused to provide any information about why the woman was being detained, only saying that she would be transferred to Evin Prison.

A statement released by the Mourning Mothers on February 21 indicates that the six supporters are in Section 209 of Evin Prison, which is administered by the Intelligence Ministry. The families of these women gather in front of Evin Prison every night from about 8 to 11 p.m., along with many other families whose loved ones have been imprisoned in Evin during the past eight months.

Several of the families of the six arrested women were able to contact their loved ones by phone. One family member told Human Rights Watch that the phone conversations are very short and strictly monitored by guards. “She only said, ‘I am well, don’t be worried,’” this person said. “The conversation usually takes 1 to 2 minutes … sometimes I ask her questions, and she simply answers yes or no.”

Families are often forced to go back and forth between Evin Prison and Revolutionary Court branch offices in search of any information regarding their loved ones. One family member indicated that prison authorities have prevented lawyers hired by the families from visiting the women for the purpose of signing retainer letters – a right granted to all detainees under Iranian law.

Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Iran is a party, prohibits arbitrary detention. Article 9 also states that anyone arrested should be informed, at the time of their arrest, of the reasons for their detention, should be “promptly” informed of any criminal charges, and should be “brought promptly” before a judge to review their detention. The Covenant also requires Iran to respect the right to freedom of association with others, and to peaceful assembly.

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