Maryam Zia has begun a hunger strike to protest her illegal imprisonment. A women’s and children’s rights activist and the Director of the Struggle for a World Deserving of Children, Zia has been detained in Evin prison since December 27, 2009, following widespread arrests of civil and political activists that took place during Ashura Day.

Masoumeh Zia, Maryam’s sister, described her sister’s condition as worrisome. Following is the interview of Masoumeh Zia with the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran:

Campaign: Mrs. Zia, has any news of your sister’s hunger strike been published? Is there any news with regard to her physical and mental condition?

Masoumeh: Maryam has been on hunger strike ever since March 17, 2010, following her illegal arrest. She in very weak, takes medicine, suffers from severe physical conditions, headaches, and low blood pressure. At the same time, because of the hunger strike, the medications that she must take will have severe effects on her health. Her physical condition is worrisome, but she insists on continuing the hunger strike in protest to the illegality and uncertainty of her imprisonment. Despite of this, she has maintained her spirit and her mental state is favorable. She says under these conditions she is experiencing a different aspect of life.

Campaign: What charges have been brought up against Mrs. Zia, and what are the results of your follow-ups on her case?

Masoumeh: The charges brought up against my sister in the first stages of interrogation have been accusations of collaboration with the MKO. Considering the new year holidays, at this time there is no possibility to following up her case file, and we must wait until the end of the new year holidays. Prior to the holidays we did not receive any accurate and satisfactory replies to our questions either, and Maryam herself has no information about her case file situation or any possibility that she might released, and so she is in a limbo.

A few days ago, from a telephone contact with my sister’s husband, we were told that with a bail of $30,000 she would be released. But, even though with much hardship we put together this bail and despite fulfilling all the official conditions and document approvals in the Branch 11 of the Revolutionary Court in Shahr’e Ray, in the last moment the interrogators from the Ministry of Intelligence prepared a new petition and referred her case file to the Branch 28 of the Revolutionary Court, and prevented her release. In fact, despite holding the house documents for bail, which is worth more that the actual amount of the bail itself, they are still keeping her in detention.
Maryam was the director of the Struggle for a World Deserving of Children and she did not have political activities. As a social and active volunteer, she spent all of her energy educating deprived-of-education immigrant children, but unfortunately in our country even cultural and humanitarian works are considered political crimes.

Campaign: When was her last contact and what is her prison condition now?

Masoumeh: She has been transferred from Section 209 to the non-political financial fraud section of the general prison population after her interrogations were complete. Some people who have committed murder are Maryam’s cellmates and even though she tries to have a good relationship with them, an unsuitable atmosphere in the cell governs, and we are certain that this kind of atmosphere is not the a favorable environment for a civil activist.

News background:

Maryam Zia, a women and children’s rights activist and the director of the Struggle for a World Deserving of Children, was arrested in the morning on December 27, 2009, following the widespread arrests of civil and political activists that took place during Ashura Day. Security forces went to Maryam Zia’s house for search of her property and her arrest. Since she was not there, they forced her children to contact her and ask her to come back. Upon return, she was arrested and sent to an unidentified place. Previously, she was arrested during a women’s rights gathering to protest unequal laws that took place on June 12, 2006 in Haft Tir Square in Tehran. Zia’s husband, Mansour Hayat Gheibi, is an executive director of syndicated labor organization, and a member of the Bus Drivers Union in Tehran and vicinity who has been arrested several times, with Mansour Osanloo and other groups of trade activists, and several times has been attacked and insulted.

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We try to reflect HR violations and Women Rights violations in uprising, without political reprisals. We don not necessarily represent those who's news we portray in this blog.

Journalist Issa Saharkhiz’s health has taken a turn for the worse after going on a hunger strike in March. In an interview with the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, his son, Mehdi Saharkhiz, said that his father has lost 20 Kg over the past few months and that solitary confinement and hard prison conditions have seriously threatened his health. Eight months after his arrest, Issa Saharkhiz’s legal case remains in limbo and his family and attorney’s efforts to follow up on his case have been fruitless.


The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran expresses concern over the health of Issa Saharkhiz and believes continuation of his imprisonment is illegal, and considers the lack attention to his legal case and his medical condition to be an instrument in exerting physical and mental pressure on him. He has been deprived of his due judiciary process, and nine months after his arrest his lawyer does not yet know what illegal activities he has been charged with that deserve such severe prison treatment.

Mehdi Saharkhiz told the Campaign that his father’s hunger strike has caused a lot of worries for his family. In relation to the accusations levied against his father he said: “He has been in prison for 275 days, and has not had a prison leave since July 3, 2009. No case file against him has been prepared yet and there are no charges. Of course the kinds of accusations that are brought against him are baseless. These kinds of accusations have been brought up against many and there is no investigation of his situation. In regard to his condition, since the time of his imprisonment he has lost 20 kg. Of course emotionally he is in a good spirit.”

Referring to his father’s five-day hunger strike, Mehdi Saharkhiz said: “He went on a hunger strike for 5 days for the new year, which caused him to collapse on the ground on the first day of the new year because of the drop in his blood pressure. When he was transferred to a medical clinic it was said that it was a dangerous case and the drop in blood pressure must be looked into. My mother who visited him for the new year said he looked very weak physically.”

Referring to the fruitless efforts of his family to follow up on his father’s case, Mehdi Saharkhiz said: “We have been following his legal case for a long time. He himself has asked for a leave but has never received a reply, and they have not said what they want to do. We are still waiting, because he has been held without any reason. His lawyer says he has also been waiting to see what will happen. He hasn’t been interrogated; he has been held in limbo, proving innocence has been denied to all, and his is not an unusual case, but there has not been any answer to his request for a leave, and this is worrisome. He was sent to solitary confinement for a while and then after 70 days he was transferred to another section but again he was sent to solitary confinement. But for some time now he has been transferred to section 350 of the prison. Visitations depend on the week, day, or prison’s programs at the time. There have been visits but they have been very short and difficult; he has also been allowed to call some times. Visitations have to do with outside situations and whether he is in solitary confinement or not. Requests for the possibility of weekly visits have not been fruitful yet.”

Background:

Issa Saharkhiz is a prominent political and press activist and a founding member of the Defense of Freedom of Press Association, and he was the Executive Director of Domestic Press of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance during the reform era. He was arrested on July 3, 2009. He spent the first 40 days of his incarceration in solitary confinement in section 2-A of the IRGC detention center without any contact with outside world. Forty days after Saharkhiz’s arrest his lawyer, Nasrin Sotoodeh, succeeded in visiting him, and she announced that his rib was broken. Saharkhiz suffers from a particular illness that requires a special kind of diet, and he has not been allowed to use any kind of medication. On the other hand he also suffers from high blood pressure. In early September his temporary detention was extended for another two months. After passage of several months no court has been convened yet to review the accusations levied against him. He lives under dire physical conditions. After nine months of imprisonment in the Security Ward 209 of Evin prison and after spending several periods of solitary confinement, he announced that if he is not released from solitary confinement he would go on an unlimited hunger strike. Saharkhiz’s is kept under poor physical conditions and in uncertainty at General Ward 305 which holds more than one hundred political prisoners.

Acting as court officers, Iranian Police, Ministry of Information, and the Intelligence Unit of IRGC have always interfered to varying degrees in the Iranian Judiciary’s different activities such as arrests, interrogations, and trials, and have been known to harass prisoner families. But after the presidential elections last year, the interference has entered a new level. In many arrest cases after the elections, though the case judge has ordered bail or has given he prisoner families permission to visit with the prisoner,court officers have refused to carry out the orders and complaints filed by families have not been addressed.

While Iranian Judiciary’s Prisons Organization has full responsibility for Iran’s prisons and the way the prisoners are kept, the court officers seem to have the last word in prisons. For example, Ward 240 at Evin Prison is under complete control of Ministry of Information and the Chief Warden of Evin Prison does not have much influence there. The same is true for wards which are under the control of IRGC. The domination and interference of court officers in the Iranian judicial system has faced fair trials with serious danger.

In September 2009, when Jafari Dolatabadi replaced Saeed Mortazavi as Tehran’s General and Revolutionary Courts Prosecutor, he made a reference to this subject and demanded the Prosecutor’s oversight on court officers’ work. However, after he took office, not only court officers and particularly IRGC, Police Intelligence Unit, and Minisitry of Information court officers continued their activities, they increased their interference and control on judicial cases. In his introduction ceremony, Dolatabadi said: “The Prosecutor’s oversight on court officers and those attending investigation sessions is a serious thing to me. If some people expect me to determine my moves based on their orders, I will not oblige.” He also said: “We will strongly confront court officers who dictate whom to arrest, release, or convict, and I won’t stand for this.” Jafari Dolatabadi who was previously Khouzestan Prosecutor, said that he is responsible for detentions and releases. “Court officers and interrogators must carry out their duties within legal frameworks and policies and under full supervision of the Prosecutor, and I accept the responsibility for releases and detentions and judicial orders, because I have to be accountable.”

Even so, families of several prisoners told International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran that court officers have violated laws, acting beyond their duties during arrests, visitations, and in carrying out bail orders issued by judges. In at least five cases, while prisoners were authorized by judge’s orders to have in-person visitations, “case analysts,” or interrogators, refused to allow in-person visitations. In other cases, it has been observed that though bail amounts have been set, court officers refuse to release the suspects. In many cases, prisoners’ listed personal belongings are not returned to them according to the list and their personal computers with all their files including their unpublished articles, family photographs, etc. have been erased and families know that their objections would not be heard. Interrogation methods are also outside the supervision of the judicial system and behind closed doors of prison cells, court officers can do whatever they wish with suspects, and particularly political suspects.

In an interview with ILNA News Agency, former Minister of Information during Khatami era, Ali Younesi has expressed his concern about this issue. Younesi who is currently an adviser to Iran’s Head of Judiciary, has said: “Court officers are not allowed to interfere in the judicial process and must only present their reports and acceptance or refusal of the report is upon the judge.” Ali Younesi’s statements come at a time when there is growing concern about security and intelligence organizations’ interference in their capacity as court officers. In many cases, judges act in a fashion entirely coordinated with the wishes of information organizations. It is a bitter truth that Iranian Judiciary has fallen victim to political and non-judicial decisions. Prolonged “temporary detentions,” mistreatment of prisoners, lack of attention to health conditions of prisoners who need serious medical care, willful actions with respect to visitation privileges and releases, and contacting prisoner families as a means to apply pressure on prisoners and their families to keep them from talking about political cases, are only some of the instances of widely used practices of court officers.

Regarding the interference of court officers in the Judiciary’s affairs, Younesi said: “A court officer’s job is to carry out orders from the Judiciary, therefore a court officer is not permitted to interfere in judicial affairs and must only present his report and the judge is entitled to take the report under advisement or not.” Referring to facts which have practically departed from the Iranian Judiciary for a long time, he added: “By virtue of its independence, The Judiciary must not allow infiltration into the court officer system, whether from the police or security organizations. When I was at the Ministry of Information, I controlled this seriously and would never allow security officers to interfere in a judge’s work; I developed guidelines about this and personally oversaw their implementation.”

He provided an example, indicative of the interference by court officers in the judicial process, a subject which is highly visible now. “I told the judicial authorities at the time that if security officers attempted to interfere in a case, they were to inform me immediately. If they reported that a security officer was following up on a case from this branch to that, I confronted that officer and issued him a warning reminding him that since the case has been delivered to the judicial authorities, it is no longer a concern of Ministry of Information what the judge’s ruling would be.”

The power and authorities of court officers are now important factors in the deteriorating condition of processes leading to a fair trial and implementation of the law, due to the increased power of intelligence and police forces post-elections. Show trials, extraction of forced confessions as evidence to convict political prisoners against whom there is no crime evidence, sentences which are disproportionate with the crimes, and outrageous bail amounts for political prisoners are all results of the influence of court officers and their complete infiltration of the judicial system. Though authorities such as Mr. Younesi or Jafari Dolatabadi have expressed the importance of the Judiciary’s independence from intelligence operations, the concept has unfortunately never been implemented.

Committee of Human Rights Reporters – Saeed Malekpour was arrested October 2008. He has been detained in Evin prison since.

Malekpour was born in May 1975. He graduated from Sharif University of Technology with a metrology engineering degree. He has worked as an expert in Iran Khodro (Iran’s biggest car manufacturer) and as an inspector in Garma Felez corporation. He has also worked for the Razi Research Centre. Last year, he was admitted to a master’s program at the University of Victoria (in the province of British Columbia, Canada).

Saeed Malekpour was arrested in October 2008 upon returning to Iran. He had been working as a website designer in Canada since 2005.

This political prisoner was arrested in relation to a case of Internet offences. The case was titled “Mozzelin 2″ (The Strayed 2). In winter 2009, a report was published by a group that introduced itself as part of the IRGC. In this report, it was alleged that certain individuals were responsible for being part of a “network of decadence on the Internet.”

A similar scenario was repeated in winter 2010 during the time widespread arrests of human rights activists across Iran were taking place. This time, two reports were published with the titles “Cyber Fights of the Revolutionary Guards against Destabilizing Groups,” and “The Arrest of American Cyber War Network Members.” The state media also aired reports regarding these reports.

The following is Saeed Malekpour’s letter. He has spent more than 17 months in Evin prison. His family has been informed the next court date will be on April 18th and 19th.

My name is Saeed Malekpour. I was arrested on October 4th, 2008, near Vanak Square (in northern Tehran) by plainclothes agents who did not present an arrest warrant or identification. The arrest resembled an abduction. Afterwards, I was handcuffed, blindfolded and placed at the back of a Sedan. A heavy-set agent leaned his weight on me by positioning his elbow on my neck, and forcing my head down throughout the ride. They transferred me to an undisclosed location which they called the “technical office.” When we arrived, a few agents physically beat me severely and verbally abused me, while I remained handcuffed and blindfolded, They forced me to sign a few forms, but I was not able to read the contents. As a result of the physical assault, my neck was aching for several days and my face was swollen from the punches, slaps, and kicks I received. That night, I was transferred to ward 2-A of Evin prison. I was placed in a solitary cell 2m X 1.7m (6′2″ X 5′8″). I was only allowed to leave the cell twice a day at specified times for a break of fresh air. However, during the times I left the cell, I was blindfolded. The only time I was allowed to remove the blindfold was in my cell.

I spent 320 days (from October 4, 2008 to August 16, 2009) in solitary confinement without access to books, newspapers, or any contact with the outside world. In the cell, there was only a copy of the Qur’an, a water bottle, three blankets, and a “mohr” [Shiites perform their daily prayers on a piece of clay called "mohr" in Iran]. Until December 21, 2009, I spent 124 days in the general ward of 2-A. I was never granted weekly visits with my family during my detention. During the 444 days of my detention in ward 2-A. I was allowed a few restricted visits with my family, while a Revolutionary Guards officer listened in. The agents were always present during the visits. I was never granted the right to make weekly calls. Prison staff and interrogators listened in on any call I was able to make. Anytime I discussed the content of my case with my family, the calls were disconnected. During the 444 days I spent in ward 2-A, my life was under constant threat, and I never felt safe.

On December 21, 2009, I was transferred once again to solitary confinement, this time in ward 240 of Evin prison. I spent another 48 days (until February 8, 2010) in solitude and without the right to access the outside world. Since February 8th, I have been detained in the general wards of Evin, first in ward 7 and then ward 350. So far, 12 months of the total 17 months of my detention have been spent in solitary confinement, and not once was I allowed to visit my lawyer. During this time, and particularly in the first months, I was subject to various forms of physical and psychological torture by the “Revolutionary Guards Cyber Counterattack” team. Some of the torture procedures were performed in the presence of Mr. Moussavi, the magistrate of the case. A large portion of my confession was extracted under pressure, physical and psychological torture, threats to myself and my family, and false promises of immediate release upon giving a false confession to whatever the interrogators dictated.

I have to add that the confession in front of the magistrate was extracted with the presence of interrogators. To prevent me from informing the magistrate that my confession was received under pressure, the interrogators threatened that the torture would worsen. Sometimes they threatened that they would arrest my wife and torture her in front of me. In the first few months following my arrest, I would be interrogated various hours both during the day and night. The interrogations also included severe beatings. The tortures were carried out either in the “technical office” outside the prison or in the interrogations office in ward 2-A.

Most of the time the tortures were performed by a group. While I remained blindfolded and handcuffed, several individuals armed with cables, batons, and their fists struck and punched me. At times, they would flog my head and neck. Such mistreatment was aimed at forcing me to write what the interrogators were dictating, and to compel me to play a role in front of the camera based on their scenarios. Sometimes, they used extremely painful electrical shock that would paralyze me temporarily. Once in October 2008, the interrogators stripped me while I was blindfolded and threatened to rape me with a bottle of water.

One of those very days, as a result of being kicked, punched, and lashed with cables on my head and face, my face became very swollen. I lost consciousness several times, but each time they would wake me up by splashing water on my face [and continued with the torture]. That night, they returned me to my cell. At the end of the night, I realized my ear was bleeding. I banged on the door of my cell, but nobody came. The next day, while half of my body was paralyzed, and I was unable to move, they took me to Evin prison’s clinic. The doctor, after seeing my condition, emphasized that I should be transferred to a hospital. However, I was returned to my cell instead, and I was left on my own until 9:00pm. Three guards eventually transferred me to Baghiatollah hospital. On our way to the hospital, the guards told me I was not allowed to give my real name, and ordered me to use the alias Mohammad Saeedi. They threatened me with severe torture if I did not follow their orders.

Before I was able to be examined by the doctor, one of the guards met with the doctor on duty in the emergency room, then I entered a few minutes later. The doctor without performing any examinations, radiography, or tests simply stated that my problem was stress related. He wrote his diagnosis on the medical report and prescribed a few pills. When I asked him to at least wash my ear the doctor said it was not necessary. I was returned to the detention centre with the blood clot remaining in my ear. For 20 days, the left side of my body was paralyzed, and I had little control over my left arm and leg muscles. I also had difficulty walking.

On January 24, 2009, after being subject to severe beatings, one of the interrogators threatened to pull out my tooth with a pair of tongs. One of my tooth broke and my jaw was displaced after I was kicked in the face by him. However, the physical tortures were nothing compared to the psychological torments. I endured long solitary confinement time (totalling to more than one year) without phone calls or the possibility of visiting my loved ones, constant threats to arrest and torture my wife and family if I did not cooperate, threats to kill me. They also provided me with false news of arresting my wife. My mental health was severely threatened. I had no acces to any books or journals in the solitary cells, and at times, I would not speak to anybody for days.

Restrictions and psychological pressures on me and my family grew so much that after my father’s passing on March 16, 2009, and despite the fact that the officials were aware of his death, kept the news from me for approximately 40 days. When I had a five minute (supervised) phone call with home, I learned of my father’s death.

Masoud, one of the interrogators, burst into laughter and mocked me once he saw me crying about the news of my father’s death. Despite my pleas, they did not allow me to attend my father’s memorial service. In addition to the psychological tortures, the Revolutionary Guards interrogation team illegally, and contrary to religious principles, withdrew some funds from my credit card account. They also have my Paypal account. I am not sure what they have done with it.

Another example of psychological torture involved forcing me to perform scenarios dictated by the Revolutionary Guards interrogators in front of the camera. Although the interrogation team had promised me these films would never be aired on TV, and they would only be shown to regime officials to receive a larger budget for their “Gerdaab” project. However, I found out later on that the films were shown numerous times on state television during the seventh day funeral service for my father. This resulted in severe emotional pain for my family. My mother suffered from a heart attack after seeing my picture and false confessions on television. Some of the confession they forced me to make were so ridiculous and far-fetched that they are not even possible.

For example, they asked me to falsely confess to purchasing software from the UK and then posting on my website for sale. I was forced to add that when somebody visited my website, the software would be, without his/her knowledge, installed on their computer and would take control of their webcam, even when their webcam is turned off. Although I told them that what they were suggesting was impossible from a technological point of view, they responded that I should not concern myself with such things.

I was promised in the presence of the magistrate assigned to the case that if I participate in their false televised confession, they would release me conditionally or on bail until the court date. They also promised that I will enjoy the maximum leniancy in the prosecution case. I was promised I would receive a maximum of two years in prison. These promises were repeated many times, however, after the end of the filming sessions, they did not honour any of their promises.

Based on the above information, I have been subject to various forms of psychological and physical torture in violation of sections 1-9, 14-17 and article 1 of the “Ban the Torture Act.” [The act] was passed by parliament in 2004. According to article 4 of the act, the confessions I made are not admissible, and I made the majority of the confessions to alleviate the pressure on my family and friends.

After 17 months of “temporary” detention, I am still in a state of limbo. I have never been allowed to meet with my lawyer. Given the size of the case, and the nature of the accusations against me, I need a computer expert trusted by the judiciary with access to my lawyer. I also need a place equipped with technical facilities (such as internet) to prepare my defense. Therefore, I would like to ask that my request regarding release on bail or bond be granted, and that I will be provided with the above-mentioned facilities.

Saeed Malekpour

March 13, 2010

Special thanks to Siavosh J. for translation | Persian2English.com


Radio Zamaneh
Iranian Shiite leader Ayatollah Bayat Zanjani condemned the continued incarceration of Iranian political and social activists and called it a strategy [by the regime] to “hold on to power.”

In a meeting with families of recent detainees, the reformist cleric maintained that there are some who struggle to hold on to power “at all costs.” He stated that the continued arrest of Iranian activists is a sign of this struggle.

In the past ten months, the Islamic Republic of Iran has arrested thousands of dissidents in disputes over the outcome of the June 2009 presidential election.

While some election protesters have been temporarily released on heavy bails, many still languish in Iranian prisons.

Ayatollah Bayat Zanajani has repeatedly spoken out against the outcome of the elections and the violent crackdown on election protesters.

He accused the Islamic Republic of committing the same mistakes against Iranians as the previous regime did.

Ayatollah Zanjani told the families of political prisoners: “Your loved ones are among the purest members of society and you should not lose hope over their imprisonment.”

The Iranian clergy has become heavily divided in the aftermath of the June presidential election. A group of Iranian senior clerics have spoken out against post-election government suppression and lent their support to the reform movement.


Translation by: Persian2English.com
RAHANA
Zanjan University student Sourena Hashemi was released on bail on April 4, 2010 after spending more than three months of detention in Evin prison’s ward 209. Hashemi was arrested on January 1, 2010, together with Alireza Firouzi during a trip to Orumiyeh (capital of the province of West Azerbaijan, northwest Iran).

Before February 10, 2010, regime officials denied reports that the two friends were detained. Their families also had no information on their location or condition.

Alireza Firouzi’s case still remains unknown. Based on reports processed by security agencies, it seems Firouzi’s continuing arrest is linked to [his work in] human rights activism.

Persian2English.com


RAHANA
Independent journalist Abolfazl Abedini has been sentenced to eleven years in prison by branch 1 of the Revolutionary Court in Ahvaz. Abedini is charged with association with foreign governments (five years in prison), membership in Human Right Activists in Iran (HRAI) (five years in prison), and propaganda against the regime for interviews with foreign media (one year in prison).

The court order for Abolfazl Abedini was issued in late May 2009, but it was not announced to his lawyer Mohammad Oliyaifard until March 28, 2010. The court order is related to a previous case which led to Abedini’s arrest in July 2009. In November 2009, he was released on a bail in the $300,000 range.

On February 1, 2010, Abedini was badly beaten and arrested in his home in Ramhormoz, Iran. He was then transferred to ward 2A solitary confinement in Evin prison. Now, more than a month [of imprisonment], the reason for Abedini’s arrest has yet to be announced to his lawyer.

Translation by Persiian2English.com

Abolfazl Abedini’s Mother Writes Open Letter to Sadegh Larijani

The mother of journalist and human rights activist Abolfazl Abedini Nasr wrote an open letter to the minister of Iran’s judiciary, requesting a fair resolve to the tormenting situation of Abolfazl Abedini in prison.

Abolfazl Abedini Nasr’s home was raided and he was brutally beaten and subdued on March 3, 2010 in the city of Ahvaz. He was later transferred to Evin prison.

Open Letter from Asareh Eyvazi to Sadegh Larijani :

Honorable Ayatollah Sadegh Amoli Larijani, head of the judicial system in the Islamic Republic of Iran:

With regards and wishing you a happy New Year. I am the mother of journalist Abolfazl Abedini. I have been witness to his imprisonment while he [continues to suffer] from poor health. His physical and emotional condition is questionable.

For five years, Abolfazl has been arrested, imprisoned, tortured, and detained in solitary confinement. [Each time] he has posted bail for his freedom with the help of compassionate individuals. In the court hearings, Abolfazl was never found guilty and he was always cleared of all charges.

What crime has he committed that he deserves to be tortured? Is defending the rights of Haft Tapeh factory workers, drivers union workers, and other organizations a crime? Is highlighting the problems in our country a crime?

I want you, the Supreme judge, with all fairness and in the presence of God, to pay special attention to my 28 year old child who suffers from a severe heart problem as a result of being held captive for the past five years. I would like you to resolve the abeyance.

I want you to be advised that if anything happens to [my son], you will be held responsible before God, the merciful.

I should also mention that Abolfazl is [currently] held in solitary confinement in ward 2A of the IRGC section of Evin prison. He has been denied the right to meet with a lawyer. It has been a month now that Abolfazl is being interrogated.

With respect,

Asareh Eyvazi, the suffering mother of detained journalist Abolfazl Abedini Nasr.

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